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<text id=92TT2115>
<title>
Sep. 21, 1992: Pride of Ownership
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1992
Sep. 21, 1992 Hollywood & Politics
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
DISPUTES, Page 43
Pride of Ownership
</hdr><body>
<p>In a bid to regain the Kurile Islands, Japan dangles an economic
lure, but Moscow is stymied by nationalists who cling to every
last Soviet outpost
</p>
<p>By Edward W. Desmond/Kurilsk - With reporting by Yuri
Zarakhovich/Moscow
</p>
<p> The main town on the Kurile island of Iturup might be any
down-and-out frontier settlement in the former Soviet Union.
Kurilsk's rutted streets run through neighborhoods of ramshackle
houses with outdoor plumbing; the few shops offer only a sparse
selection of goods at intimidating prices. The biggest employer,
a crumbling fish-processing plant, is several weeks behind in
paying wages. Vasily Sadovsky, Kurilsk's vice mayor, confirms
the obvious: "Things have been getting worse here for 10 years.
Nothing works, not even the streetlights. No one has the
initiative to find new bulbs for them."
</p>
<p> Now many of the Russians living on the Kurile Islands are
hoping for a future better than they ever dreamed. Their homes
are on what Japan still calls its Northern Territories, a
volcanic archipelago stretching 186 miles from Japan's northern
border waters that was seized by the Soviets in the waning days
of World War II. Tokyo wants those territories back, and part
of Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa's strategy is to woo the
25,000 Russian residents with hints of the good life that would
blossom under Japan's rule.
</p>
<p> Slowly the campaign is working: many islanders still balk
at the notion of a return to Japanese sovereignty, but most
agree that the holdouts are losing ground. Says a fisherman in
Kurilsk: "We live in barbaric conditions, and our government
will not help. Who would not agree to Japan's offer for a good
sum of money?"
</p>
<p> The answer to that question lies in Moscow, where the
Kurile issue has stirred political passions. One camp, led by
the Russian Foreign Ministry, is willing to do business on
Tokyo's terms: the islands returned in exchange for a formal
peace treaty, never signed after World War II, and financial
support for the comatose Russian economy. Opposed is an unruly
chorus of nationalist politicians who threaten to overthrow
President Boris Yeltsin if he surrenders any more of the
"motherland." They are allied with conservative military men,
still smarting from the "loss" of Eastern Europe, who fear that
return of the islands will threaten the defense of the Russian
Far East.
</p>
<p> Yeltsin feels caught in the middle. In recent months he
has tried to encourage Tokyo by promising to withdraw most of
the islands' 7,000-strong Russian garrison. His government has
also floated a compromise in which Japan would get some of the
islands, while Russia would keep the larger two of Kunashir and
Iturup, where most Russians live. Tokyo has rejected the idea,
and Yeltsin, fearful of risking the wrath of his Moscow rivals,
has been unable to sweeten the deal further. Last week he
canceled a trip to Tokyo rather than confront the issue.
</p>
<p> With the collapse of Soviet communism, the possibilities
for diplomatic rapprochement might seem to be good, but that is
misleading. Even though Moscow and Tokyo talk of settling the
dispute in terms of "legitimacy and justice," control of the
Kuriles turns more on issues of realpolitik. Says Mikhail
Vysokov, director of the Sakhalin Center of Modern History:
"Those with power have rights. When Russia had more power, it
had more rights. Now Japan has more power."
</p>
<p> The Russians, however, have more people on the islands.
Many of the civilians living there were attracted by the high
salaries that the Soviet Union used to provide anyone willing
to work in such remote places. Today those who came only for the
money are bitterly disappointed, faced with sharp price
increases and the cutoff of special supplementary pay. That has
led many to welcome the notion of a return to Japanese control--and spawned fanciful dreams of compensation that some guess
could reach $100,000 for any leave takers. Says a young mother
who came with her husband on a work contract six years ago:
"All my friends and I think that we should give up. The
government cannot afford to provide its people a good life
here."
</p>
<p> Nationalistic feelings are strongest among longtime
residents like Sergei Kvasov, a fisherman whose father fought
with the Red Army on the islands in 1945. Says he: "Among those
who were born here, there are no thoughts of giving up. We will
fight before quitting these islands." Russian military men
insist that the Kuriles are a protective shield for Russian
ports on the Sea of Okhotsk and for the nuclear-armed Soviet
ballistic-missile submarines that loiter in the sheltered
waters.
</p>
<p> Governor Valentin Fedorov, a staunch opponent of
territorial transfer, argues that giving up the southern Kuriles
makes no economic sense. It would, he says, deprive Russia of
some of the best fisheries in the Pacific while opening the door
for a deluge of Japanese investment that would "once again put
us under the Japanese, only this time by peaceful means." For
the moment, at least, the nays have it--but the maneuvering
is far from over.
</p>
</body></article>
</text>